Joy Reading精选亨利 基辛格的《论中国》(双语)。

小夏 教育 更新 2024-01-28

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对于中国人来说,“基辛格”并不是一个陌生的名字。 亨利·基辛格 1923 年 5 月 27 日出生于德国菲尔特,是犹太血统,1938 年随家人离开纳粹德国移民到美国,1943 年成为美国公民。 基辛格曾在美国陆军服役,在哈佛大学获得硕士和博士学位,毕业后继续任教。 从2024年到2024年,他在尼克松时期担任国务卿,然后担任福特**。 从一个落魄的犹太难民到全球秩序的“建筑师”,这位以智慧和勇气跨越百年的老人,在风风雨雨中走到了生命的尽头——2024年11月29日,基辛格在康涅狄格州的家中去世,享年100岁。

2024年,时任美国事务助理的基辛格以特使身份对中国进行秘密访问,并与中国合作,促成了尼克松2024年的“破冰之行”,实现了震撼世界的“跨太平洋握手”,为开启美中关系正常化进程作出了历史性贡献。 基辛格一生中访问中国100多次,最后一次是在今年7月。 他曾说过,他花了半辈子的时间研究美中关系,美中之间的和平与合作至关重要,符合两国和世界的利益。 他为中美建交、两国互利共赢作出的非凡贡献,将永远被两国人民铭记。

今天,我们选择了基辛格关于中国的书(纽约:企鹅出版社,2024年),并摘录了该书序言的部分内容。 中文译本摘自胡丽萍、林华、杨云琴、朱静文所著的《论中国》(中信出版社,2024年)。 让我们一起在阅读中缅怀这位中国人民的老朋友。

on china

关于中国

亨利·基辛格 亨利·基辛格。

tr. hu liping et al.胡丽萍、林华、杨云琴、朱景文译。

i h**e been to china more than fifty times. like many visitors over the centuries, i h**e come to admire the chinese people, their endurance, their subtlety, their family sense, and the culture they represent. at the same time, all my life i h**e reflected on the building of peace, largely from an american perspective. i h**e had the good luck of being able to pursue these two strands of thinking simultaneously as a senior official, as a carrier of messages, and as a scholar.

我去过中国50多次。 像几个世纪以来许多来访中国的游客一样,我越来越钦佩中国人民,他们的韧性,他们的微妙,他们的家庭意识和他们所展示的中国文化。 与此同时,我一生都在思考如何从美国人的角度实现和平。 我很幸运能够作为高级**、快递员和学者同时探索这两个想法。

since my first visit, china has become an economic superpower and a major factor in shaping the global political order. the united states has prevailed in the cold war. the relationship between china and the united states has become a central element in the quest for world peace and global well-being.

自从我第一次访华以来,中国已成为经济超级大国和塑造全球政治秩序的主要力量。 美国赢得了冷战,美中关系成为争取世界和平和全球福祉的核心因素。

eight american presidents and four generations of chinese leaders h**e managed this delicate relationship in an astonishingly consistent manner considering the difference in starting points. both sides h**e refused to permit historic legacies or different conceptions of domestic order to interrupt their essentially cooperative relationship.

尽管起点迥然不同,但八位美国**和四代中国领导人在驾驭微妙的双边关系方面表现出了非凡的一致性。 雙方一向盡最大努力維持這一實質合作關系,不受曆史糾纏和國內考慮的干擾。

relations between china and the united states need not—and should not —become a zero-sum game. for the pre–world war i european leader, the challenge was that a gain for one side spelled a loss for the other, and compromise ran counter to an aroused public opinion. this is not the situation in the sino-american relationship. key issues on the international front are global in nature. consensus may prove difficult, but confrontation on these issues is self-defeating.

美中关系不必也不应该是一场零和博弈。 第一次世界大战前,欧洲领导人面临的挑战是,一方的得益意味着另一方的损失,而激烈的公众**不会容忍妥协。 中美关系并非如此。 重要的国际问题具有全球性。 达成共识可能非常困难,但在这些问题上挑起对抗是弄巧成拙的。

the crucial competition between the united states and china is more likely to be economic and social than military. if present trends in the two countries’ economic growth, fiscal health, infrastructure spending, and educational infrastructure continue, a gap in development—and in third party perceptions of relative influence—may take hold, particularly in the asia-pacific region. but this is a prospect it is in the capacity of the united states to arrest or perhaps reverse by its own efforts. the united states bears the responsibility to retain its competitiveness and its world role. it should do this for its own traditional convictions, rather than as a contest with china. building competitiveness is a largely american project, which we should not ask china to solve for us. china, fulfilling its own interpretation of its national destiny, will continue to develop its economy and pursue a broad range of interests in asia and beyond. this is not a prospect that dictates the confrontations that led to the first world war. it suggests an evolution in many aspects of which china and the united states cooperate as much as they compete.

美国和中国之间的决定性竞争更有可能是经济和社会竞争,而不是军事竞争。 如果当前经济增长、财政健康、基础设施支出和教育设施的趋势继续扩大,中美之间的发展速度差距将继续扩大,第三方将越来越倾向于认为中国的相对影响力强于美国,特别是在亚太地区。 但美国有能力通过自己的努力来阻止或扭转这一趋势。 美国有责任保持其在世界上的竞争力和作用。 美国这样做应该出于传统,而不是为了与中国竞争。 提高竞争力主要是美国的事情,我们不应该让中国为我们做。 为了实现其国家命运的愿景,中国将继续发展经济,并在亚洲和世界寻求广泛的利益。 这不是第一次世界大战前主导对抗的那种局面,而是表明中美两国既合作又竞争,并且在许多方面共同发展。

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